This article is a part of Poland Unpacked. Weekly intelligence for decision-makers
A year ago, the former prime minister Mateusz Morawiecki (who governed from 2017 to 2023) said in an interview with XYZ that, in the thousand days leading up to the next elections, he intended to fight a thousand battles. He argued that rebuilding coalition capacity would be crucial, as would presenting voters with a serious and ambitious policy offer.
It is an important statement since in the 2023 elections PiS actually got the biggest number of votes yet was unable to form a coalition.
Friction within PiS: Morawiecki pushes towards the center
Now Mateusz Morawiecki is battling not only Donald Tusk’s government but also rival factions within Law and Justice (PiS), where he serves as a vice-president. The former prime minister has been left out of the program teams tasked with drafting the party’s platform for the 2027 parliamentary elections. His intra-party rivals are also taking aim at Morawiecki’s allies.
An example is the turmoil surrounding PiS MEP Waldemar Buda, who belongs to Morawiecki’s faction. The official reason given for the motion to suspend him was his failure to make payments to the party fund. Unofficially, the issue was Buda’s participation in the “Freedom Games” (Igrzyska Wolności), a fact acknowledged even by PiS politicians. Supporters of Mateusz Morawiecki wrote about this openly and explicitly, though they cited media reports as their source. In mid-November, the MEP made several transfers to the party’s account.
By contrast, the list of payments made up to 1 December does not include the names of other PiS MEPs, also those who are part of Morawiecki’s faction.
Who will be PiS’s candidate for prime minister?
One ally of the former prime minister suggested in a conversation with XYZ that this was part of an internal campaign against Morawiecki. As recently as the summer, he had been the clear favorite of PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński to return to the post should the party regain power in 2027.
In the months that followed, however, the party leader began to mention other names alongside Mr. Morawiecki when speaking about the head of a future government. At an October rally, he said of former education minister Przemysław Czarnek: “He hasn’t been prime minister yet – but he probably will be.”
Morawiecki and his allies are also trying to win support beyond the constituencies where PiS already enjoys strong backing. Aside from Waldemar Buda’s appearance at the Freedom Games, Morawiecki himself took part in the Forum in Krynica-Zdrój. The event was organized by the right-leaning Jagiellonian Club, yet Morawiecki appeared in a debate not with a politician from another faction on the right, but with Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz of Poland 2050. They exchanged competing visions for Poland’s development.
Morawiecki is also seeking to reach audiences of media outlets outside the right-wing bubble. One example was his appearance on a podcast on Gazeta.pl (a liberal news outlet), where he spoke, among other things, about mistakes made by his own government.
Mr. Sasin moves to normalize Mr. Braun
Jacek Sasin represents a faction within PiS that is rival to that of Mateusz Morawiecki. The former deputy prime minister has been speaking ever more openly – and willingly -about the prospect of a coalition with Grzegorz Braun’s party.
He raised the issue in interviews with TVN24 and Telewizja Republika – two channels representing opposite ends of Poland’s media landscape. On TVN24, he conceded that although “Braun does indeed say various stupid things”, still, if necessary, it would not be impossible “to conduct some kind of serious conversation [with Grzegorz Braun – ed.]”.
That same evening, speaking on Telewizja Republika, Sasin argued that public opinion in Poland is shifting to the right. He added that it is “no coincidence that parties which have emerged to the right of PiS, such as Confederation or Grzegorz Braun’s Crown, are gaining ground”.
By way of reminder, Grzegorz Braun came fourth in the first round of this year’s Polish presidential election, winning more than one million votes. He represents the most radically extreme wing of the Polish right.
Direct clashes between Mr. Sasin and Mr. Morawiecki
On Telewizja Republika, Sasin was also asked about a remark he had made in a third interview that day. He had also been a guest of Radio Zet. Asked whether Mateusz Morawiecki should be PiS’s candidate for prime minister, he replied in the negative. He argued that “Morawiecki represents a more centrist current within PiS”, and that “a centrist image is not what right-wing voters expect”.
Among those who commented the matter was PiS MP and former deputy climate minister Ireneusz Zyska. He said that PiS and its voters need Mr. Morawiecki as their leader and candidate for prime minister. Mr. Zyska warned that competing with Confederation and the Confederation of the Polish Crown in terms of radicalism could lead to a loss of support, arguing instead that the party’s electorate needs to be broadened.
An appeal for intra-party solidarity in the face of the fight against Donald Tusk came to Mr. Morawiecki also from Dariusz Matecki. He represents the faction of Zbigniew Ziobro which had fiercely attacked Mr. Morawiecki while he was prime minister.
Mr. Ziobro is now an MP who is most probably residing in Hungary. The Sejm lifted Mr. Ziobro’s immunity and consented to his detention and possible arrest in connection with alleged financial abuses during PiS rule. Mr. Ziobro has not clearly declared whether he will apply for political asylum in Hungary or return to Poland.
By contrast, Sławomir Mentzen – a politician, an economist, and tax advisor who has emerged as a significant figure in Poland’s right-wing political scene – made no secret of his satisfaction at the infighting within PiS. The leader of Confederation made a brief comment on social media: “Let them tear each other apart.”
PiS’s stance towards Mr. Braun
When appearing in the media, Mateusz Morawiecki is also regularly asked about his attitude to the political milieu around Grzegorz Braun. He treats any potential coalition with Mr. Braun as a last resort – something to be considered only if it were the sole alternative to continued rule by Donald Tusk.
In an interview, Morawiecki said he was striving to ensure that PiS retains coalition-building capacity. He acknowledged that he could imagine a government with Confederation. When asked about Mr. Braun, he paused briefly before replying that he found it hard to imagine a coalition with Mr. Braun – though even harder to imagine one with Mr. Tusk. A few months earlier, he had said he could envisage cooperation even with Mr. Braun in order to remove Tusk’s government from power. He is now more cautious.
Mr. Morawiecki’s allies strike a similar note when speaking about Mr. Braun. Piotr Müller, a PiS MEP and former government spokesman under Mr. Morawiecki, was asked about Braun in mid-November. He said he would prefer PiS not to enter into a coalition with Mr. Braun, adding that the party still hopes to govern on its own, or at most with “some kind of coalition such as Confederation”.
It is not only Mr. Morawiecki’s faction that approaches the idea of turning Grzegorz Braun into a coalition partner with caution. Former PiS spokesman Radosław Fogiel also spoke of the need for restraint towards Mr. Braun.
PiS politicians on Mr. Braun: from ruling out cooperation to calling for a Senate pact
The fact remains, however, that PiS has softened its rhetoric towards Mr. Braun. As recently as the summer, Jarosław Kaczyński – PiS leader – ruled out any cooperation with him. He argued that Mr. Braun “says things that distance us from the West”, adding that with Mr. Braun’s rhetoric Poland could not remain allied with the United States.
Janusz Kowalsk, a former deputy minister of state assets, intends to compete for voters who have so far backed PiS but supported Grzegorz Braun in the first round of the presidential election. He published a lengthy post on X addressing the prospect of cooperation. He stated outright that cooperation between PiS and Mr. Braun cannot be ruled out. He also praised parliamentary cooperation with MPs from Mr. Braun’s group. At the same time, he announced that he would compete with candidates from Braun’s lists in eastern Poland, “as this increases the chances of defeating Tusk”.
“Braun appears as a fresh force”
What might the effects be? For now, it is difficult to say. Prof. Danuta Plecka, head of the Department of Political Systems at the University of Gdańsk, believes it is too early to predict possible outcomes. She notes, however, that PiS’s previous confrontations with the Confederation did not yield the desired results.
“Research shows that we, as a society, are becoming more radicalized. PiS’s gestures towards Grzegorz Braun are puzzling to me. Perhaps it is a political strategy by Jarosław Kaczyński and his collaborators. The war with the Confederation did not produce the expected effects. Mr. Braun appears as a fresh force, even though he has been active in politics for many years. Yet he is an alternative to PiS and appeals to those who are highly radicalized. Will voters who have drifted to Braun return to PiS? It is hard to say today. We do not know what will happen with Mr. Braun himself or with the Confederation of the Polish Crown,” comments Prof. Plecka.
Testing public reaction
Meanwhile, Dr. Mateusz Zaremba, a political scientist at SWPS University, believes that PiS may be testing public reactions to suggestions of an alliance with Mr. Braun.
“This move is about familiarizing the public and observing their response. We won’t be able to define it until we see how the public – and, most importantly, the voters – react,” says Dr. Zaremba.
Is PiS learning from KO’s actions?
The political scientist also draws attention to polls in which Civic Coalition (KO) leads, while its potential partners often fall below the electoral threshold. Outside of KO, only PiS and the two Confederation parties would likely make it into the Sejm. According to Dr. Mateusz Zaremba, the right-wing space is undergoing a redefinition, and PiS is learning from KO’s approach.
“Once, there was no serious competition to the right of PiS. Now there is the Confederation and Braun’s Confederation of the Polish Crown. Voters may feel uncertainty and that their political environment is being redefined. They may hesitate about whether to vote at all, and for whom. If I were in KO’s shoes, I would be cautious about being overly impressed with my polling position. The question is whether, shortly, it might find itself in the situation PiS faced in 2023. Back then, PiS won the elections but lacked coalition capacity. If KO’s potential partners fell below the threshold, then, facing the risk of many wasted votes, KO itself would be left without coalition options. PiS can learn from its own mistakes and is now trying to build this capacity—just as KO did after 2019,” says Dr. Zaremba.
“Mr. Braun has stepped into a role”
Prof. Łukasz Młyńczyk, a political scientist at the University of Warsaw, highlights another aspect of the situation. He reminds that factional friction is a tried-and-tested method of party management for Jarosław Kaczyński – a strategy of governing through conflict. Internal battles at lower levels guarantee him security and prevent challenges to his position as leader.
The expert also notes that PiS is devoting less attention to the center in its messaging, focusing instead on the alternative right, which is gaining strength. He emphasizes that similar dynamics are becoming increasingly important in other European countries. According to Prof. Młyńczyk, the party mainstream can no longer simply ignore these forces. They are gaining legitimacy rather than being cordoned off.
“This is the right wing accusing the mainstream right, represented by PiS, of abandoning ideals and fundamentalism. The behavior of PiS’s more radical elements is meant to occupy that space and neutralize Mr. Braun. PiS wants to reassure voters who are starting to drift away. The center and Mr. Mentzen’s faction can be addressed later. Mr. Braun appeals to concepts fundamental to PiS – patriotism and criticism of the European Union. He has stepped into Solidarna Polska’s shoes (Mr. Ziobro’s former party). Mr. Ziobro’s former party used to safeguard the radical flank. PiS is now soothing Mr. Braun, talking about shared interests and possible agreements if needed,” explains Prof. Młyńczyk.
Prof. Młyńczyk does not dismiss Mateusz Morawiecki’s chances. In his view, the right should be more diverse in the long term to secure strong electoral results.
Infighting in PiS: a response from Mr. Kaczyński expected
Conflicts between different PiS factions are becoming increasingly vocal. Politicians are no longer shying away from public jabs at their party rivals, and even media outlets close to PiS are publishing extensive coverage on the matter. PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński is not remaining passive.
The Polish Press Agency reported that a meeting of PiS’s political committee presidium was scheduled forlast Friday. The party leadership was expected to discipline politicians who have engaged in public disputes. The meeting took place yet no personal decisions have been taken so far.
Key Takeaways
- Public tensions within PiS are rising between Mateusz Morawiecki’s and Jacek Sasin’s factions. While Morawiecki aims to court centrist voters, Sasin believes PiS should radicalise to capture supporters drifting toward Grzegorz Braun. Morawiecki approaches Braun cautiously, whereas Sasin and other PiS politicians, including Janusz Kowalski, are normalising him as a potential coalition partner. Sasin has also publicly questioned Morawiecki’s prospects of returning as prime minister.
- Factional battles are standard practice for Jarosław Kaczyński, who has long governed the party through conflict. Such internal friction ensures that PiS vice-presidents do not unite against him. By engaging with Braun, PiS politicians are testing voter reactions—responses that may shape future moves in relations with the Confederation of the Polish Crown.
- Opening up to cooperation with a challenging coalition partner may reflect lessons from the 2023 elections. PiS won those elections but lacked coalition-building capacity. With Braun gaining strength, PiS seeks to neutralise him.