This article is a part of Poland Unpacked. Weekly intelligence for decision-makers
We recently analyzed the Sejm’s productivity at the halfway mark of its term. Now we’re taking a closer look at legislative output over recent months. Mr. Nawrocki – backed by Law and Justice (PiS) during his campaign – adopted a confrontational posture toward the government from day one of his presidency. Just as he had promised on the campaign trail, vowing to “get the government moving.”
“So that the government actually governs, rather than chase phantom enemies”
Mr. Nawrocki pledged that his presidency would accelerate government action “through the Cabinet Council, its authority, and the authority of the Polish people – so the government actually governs, rather than chasing phantom enemies on television and attacking the civic candidate.” Meanwhile, coalition politicians repeatedly promised during the campaign that the government would hit its stride – but only after Rafał Trzaskowski won the presidency.
Nawrocki won instead. And both political camps have since embarked on what we now know to be a rocky cohabitation. It began with a Cabinet Council meeting in August 2025. The council hasn’t convened since, though there’s talk of another session in the coming weeks.
While tensions between the Presidential Palace and the Prime Minister’s Chancellery are palpable, a curious side effect of this fraught relationship may paradoxically be spurring the government into action. This is visible in the high-profile drama surrounding the lifting of Mr. Zbigniew Ziobro’s parliamentary immunity (former Minister of Justice, highly divisive politician) and the acceleration – so far largely rhetorical – of efforts to hold the previous government (PiS) accountable. But going after political opponents is one thing; the pace of actual lawmaking is another. We decided to examine the latter more closely.
We determined that the most appropriate gauge of government productivity would be measuring tangible results—namely, the passage of new legislation by MPs.
Does more equal better?
Since Karol Nawrocki was sworn in as president, the Sejm has held six sessions. During these sessions, MPs passed 91 bills – averaging roughly 15 per session. Over the same period, 521 votes were held (nearly 87 per session). While votes themselves aren't a direct measure of legislative productivity, they do offer insight into how the lower chamber operates. Many votes were devoted to amendments on specific bills – a core element of parliamentary work.
So, is 15 bills per session a lot or a little? Let’s compare the current pace with previous periods to put it into perspective.
Until August 6, 2025, Andrzej Duda was president. Since August 6, 2025, Karol Nawrocki has been president. Let’s leave aside 2025 when campaigning was already in place.
So, in 2024 a total of 24 sessions of the Sejm were held. MPs voted 1,303 times, or an average of 54.3 times per session. In 2024, parliamentarians passed 136 laws. This amounts to just over five laws passed per session. Three times less than the current pace of work of MPs.
The political calculus behind the Sejm’s acceleration
From a political standpoint, ramping up government activity after Mr. Nawrocki’s victory appears to be the optimal strategy – albeit a belated one. The government is leveraging the president’s vetoes as political ammunition against opposition Law and Justice (PiS). Simultaneously, the coalition is attempting to demonstrate that despite presidential hostility, it can still advance its policy agenda.
Why didn’t the government pursue this strategy before the presidential election? Most likely because coalition politicians were so confident in Rafał Trzaskowski’s victory that they postponed implementing key campaign promises until after the new presidency began. And while they've kept their word in accelerating now, the current legislative push looks more like an attempt to catch up with the right than to build and execute their own vision for Poland through new laws. It may also be a way to consolidate their base in opposition to the presidential center – but again, this is politics of “against” rather than “for” a particular vision of the country.
It would seem, then, that the ruling coalition actually needed a change of president to deliver on its promises – even if their candidate didn't win.
Key takeaways
- Karol Nawrocki has announced heightened scrutiny of the government's work. The government has responded by increasing the number of legislative initiatives submitted to the Sejm. Over the past three months, the Sejm has passed nearly as many bills as during the previous eight months of 2025. Comparing the number of bills passed per session, the current Sejm is passing more than three times as many as in 2024. This reflects a clear acceleration in legislative activity since Karol Nawrocki took office.
- Cohabitation between the government and the presidential office is undoubtedly challenging. Nevertheless, the government is demonstrating significantly more legislative initiative compared to earlier periods. From a political perspective, the government has an incentive to demonstrate effectiveness despite an adversarial president. Meanwhile, Karol Nawrocki and his team are displaying a level of engagement in lawmaking not seen from the presidential office in years.
- The dispute between the government and the president will be one of the key fault lines in Polish politics over the coming months. Paradoxically, this may result in more intensive government and parliamentary activity.