This article is a part of Poland Unpacked. Weekly intelligence for decision-makers
Frustration over waiting times to see doctors, the housing crisis, and – above all – a profound disappointment with both the political class and mainstream media. This is the picture of public sentiment emerging from the latest qualitative study conducted by CBOS. The conclusions for the entire political establishment are devastating.
The governing coalition is sinking into an increasingly severe image crisis. A continuation of reporting by the Zero portal on alleged abuses at Warsaw’s Southern Hospital has delivered another blow to the Civic Coalition’s morale. Testimony by a former hospital employee, Dr. Emil Jędrzejewski, broadcast on Channel Zero, implicates hospital management and also Warsaw Mayor Rafał Trzaskowski, who, at Thursday’s city council session, defended himself regarding his oversight of the hospital.
Explainer
'The Zero' media
Kanał Zero ("Channel Zero") is the YouTube-based media project of Krzysztof Stanowski, a former sports journalist who founded the channel on 24 October 2023 and officially launched it on 1 February 2024. Stanowski had previously co-founded Kanał Sportowy, a sports channel, before striking out on his own with a general-interest format mixing politics, culture, sport and long-form interviews.
The channel built a reputation for landing high-profile guests - its launch broadcast featured then-president Andrzej Duda as its first interview subject - and for a low-confrontation interview style that gave political figures, including presidential candidates in 2025, long, largely unchallenged airtime.
Zero.pl (colloquially "Portal Zero") is the written-news arm Stanowski built to complement the video channel, aiming to give Kanał Zero's material a citable text form and compete directly with Poland's established news portals. It officially launched on 9 February 2026, staffed by a newsroom of a dozen-plus journalists poached from other media outlets.
Hospital crisis around Civic Coalition (KO) strikes a chord with deep-seated social emotions
Explainer
Koalicja Obywatelska (Civic Coalition, KO)
Koalicja Obywatelska (Civic Coalition, KO) is the largest party in Poland's ruling coalition and the political home of Prime Minister Donald Tusk and most of his cabinet.
It is a broad-church party with roots in Christian democratic and centre-right traditions, though it now serves as the main political home for centrist and liberal voters. KO is a member of the European People's Party (EPP). It leads the polls with around 33% support
The scandal surrounding the Warsaw hospital – ongoing for several weeks now – has had a strong impact on the (for now) online image of the Civic Coalition (KO). So far, one public opinion survey by IBRiS has been published, in which more than 50 percent of respondents assessed Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s handling of the scandal positively. Yet the issue is too serious, as KO politicians themselves acknowledge, to simply wait it out.
We have also recently seen the publication of a qualitative focus group study by CBOS. Importantly, the research was conducted in April, well before the current scandal broke. What does it show?
CBOS analysts conducted focus group research in three cities: Ełk, Chełm, and Warsaw. Ełk County and Chełm County recorded the lowest turnout in the 2023 parliamentary elections. By contrast, turnout exceeded 90 percent in Warsaw’s Wilanów district, which was also included in the study. In each city, two sessions were held – men and women were interviewed separately.
Explainer
Wilanów district of Warsaw
Wilanów is a district in southern Warsaw best known for the Wilanów Palace, a 17th-century royal residence built for King Jan III Sobieski that survived World War II largely intact and now functions as a major museum and park complex — one of the few Warsaw landmarks that predates the city's near-total wartime destruction.
Beyond the historic core, "Wilanów" today more often refers to the sprawling new development built from the late 1990s onward on former farmland, which has become shorthand in Polish for upscale suburban sprawl: wide boulevards, gated apartment blocks, young affluent families, and a running joke about traffic jams and a lack of public transport keeping up with the district's growth.
The conclusions for KO, and more broadly for Poland’s political mainstream, are pessimistic.
A divide between elites and society
The most frequently expressed emotions? A near-total collapse of trust in political elites and traditional media, frustration with the healthcare system, resentment toward politicians and wealthy individuals abusing their privileges, and – most notably – anger toward Ukrainian refugees living in Poland.
Researchers behind the extensive study draw a wide range of conclusions, but the common thread appears to be a widening gap between political decision-makers and society. According to the researchers, participants perceived politicians as a closed caste, for whom “an ordinary person is merely a tool during an election campaign.” Respondents do not feel represented by political elites and, just as often, feel forgotten.
“We elect people, we believe – perhaps naively – that they will act in our interest, and then – speaking of a swamp, because that is how I see politics – they enter parliament and suddenly forget where they came from, from our small city of Chełm, or from other local communities,” male respondents from Chełm said.
The report’s authors also stress that participants did not see politicians consulting them on policy decisions. This, in turn, further deepens the distance between the political class and ordinary citizens.
“I haven’t noticed that after elections anyone pays attention to our situation, any surveys, polls, anything… that any politician actually shows up. Before elections, they are everywhere,” men from Ełk said.
Female participants from Chełm shared similar observations.
“I would like it if… when there is a matter to be decided, people would be listened to. To conduct surveys, for example ‘are you in favor?’ Like when we go to elections – if it’s an important issue, let’s vote on it. So that every Pole can have a say, not just them,” the women from Chełm said.
The respondents are disappointed not only with the “detachment” of political elites from their everyday lives, but also with the broader media landscape. The report’s authors note that society is tired of the “Polish-Polish war,” while the media – according to participants – are typically aligned with one side of the political divide.
Lack of trust in mainstream media as well
CBOS analysts emphasize that this leads respondents to seek alternative sources of information beyond mainstream media. In this context, participants mention internet portals, streaming platforms, and YouTube channels.
“Well, nowadays it’s hard to get clear, straightforward, transparent information. I mean, you read something on Wirtualna Polska [a major news portal – ed.], then something different on another portal – Onet [a major news portal – ed.], for example. Then we watch something on YouTube. Everyone has their own narrative, and try proving what is true,” male respondents from the Wilanów district of Warsaw said.
For participants, credibility is what matters most – both in media and among politicians. At the same time, some respondents deliberately seek out scandals or controversies that confirm their worldview.
This lack of trust in both politicians and media forms the breeding ground for three main issues: healthcare, attitudes toward Ukrainians, and the housing situation. For the Civic Coalition (KO), currently facing an image crisis, these are not good signals. Particularly since, according to one of the report’s authors, Marcin Waszak, healthcare emerges as the dominant concern.
Study author: lack of access to doctors triggers the strongest emotions
“By far the strongest emotions are triggered by the healthcare system, and more specifically – the lack of access to specialist doctors, long waiting times for surgeries, and the situation in critical areas such as child psychiatry. It should be noted that our focus group research was conducted in April, before the media scandal at Warsaw’s Southern Hospital. The research was carried out in areas commonly referred to as ‘Poland B,’ characterized by lower voter turnout compared with the national average and lower levels of income among residents. In these places, the quality of public services is noticeably lower than, for example, in Warsaw. For people who cannot afford private healthcare or medical subscription plans, relying solely on public healthcare is an extremely frustrating experience,” notes Marcin Waszak.
Explainer
Poland B
Polska B ("Poland B") is a long-standing shorthand for the country's less-developed regions - broadly eastern and northeastern Poland - as opposed to "Polska A," the wealthier, more urbanized west and center anchored by cities like Warsaw, Poznań, Wrocław and the Tri-City.
The term gets used both descriptively, in discussions of GDP per capita, infrastructure, and migration to the cities, and politically, since "Polska B" regions have tended to vote more heavily for PiS (Law and Justice) and other conservative or agrarian parties, making the A/B split a recurring frame in Polish election analysis as well as economic commentary.
He also stresses that when healthcare was discussed, respondents used very strong language.
“Respondents recounted stories related to corruption and bribery of doctors in exchange for speeding up surgeries. The stark contrast was striking for them. In their view, high doctors’ salaries do not translate at all into improvements in patients’ everyday access to healthcare. Moreover, this healthcare crisis overlaps with the issue of the presence of refugees from Ukraine. Respondents have a strong perception that Ukrainians further burden an already overstretched system. Statements that Ukrainian citizens are ‘cutting in line’ for medical services were widespread. They amplified respondents’ frustration,” the co-author of the study points out.
Indeed, the issue of waiting times for clinics appears alongside a growing frustration toward Ukrainian citizens.
Struggle for housing
“I applied for a municipal flat three times. I was living in rented accommodation with my children. I didn’t get the flat because my floor area was too large. I exceeded the limit by 5 square meters. I didn’t get it – once, twice, three times. So I stopped applying. I bought a place. I don’t apply anymore. And still the same paperwork: ‘You have exceeded the limit by 5 square meters,’ because I was still living in the same apartment. I would have had to move into a shoebox just to qualify. And a Ukrainian comes, one after another, and immediately gets a flat on arrival” - qualify. And a Ukrainian comes, one after another, and immediately gets a flat on arrival,” one female respondent from Ełk said.
The authors of the report describe respondents’ attitudes as “social chauvinism.” Repeatedly, there were calls to limit social benefits for Ukrainians. Opposition to them stems largely from a feeling of being “second-class citizens.” In respondents’ narratives, demands for a firm defense of national interests clearly dominate.
Similar voices were also heard in Warsaw.
“I have friends who didn’t get a flat, but I know a Ukrainian woman who did,” one woman in Wilanów claimed.
The growing negative public sentiment toward Ukrainian citizens is real and present in both large cities and smaller towns.
CBOS researchers – consistent with comments by Marcin Waszak in an interview with XYZ – note that respondents’ negative perceptions of Ukrainians go beyond criticism of unequal access to public services. They even act as a trigger for beliefs that the existing social order is being disrupted.
Discontent with the state widespread across all social groups
According to Marcin Waszak, these emotions are particularly strong among respondents from Ełk and Chełm. They form the basis for their overall negative attitude toward the state and its institutions.
“In Ełk and Chełm, dissatisfaction stems primarily from the inefficiency of the state, underperforming public services, lack of access to healthcare, and the housing crisis. There is a strong resonance there of the belief, for example, that social housing is going to Ukrainians instead of Poles. The issue of refugees generates very strong hostility in smaller towns. Respondents view social policy as a zero-sum game: if Ukrainians receive welfare transfers, there is simply less money left for Polish citizens. They feel that the Polish state is actually favoring migrants in access to benefits, making them a privileged group,” says Marcin Waszak.
Regardless of whether participants came from Wilanów or from Ełk, they perceive politicians as an alienated caste, cut off from society. They believe politicians seek power solely for money and personal gain.
Importantly, researchers also recorded significant dissatisfaction among respondents in Warsaw’s Wilanów district, which had the highest voter turnout in the country in the previous parliamentary elections.
“We had assumed that satisfaction with the current political situation there would be dramatically different compared with respondents from Chełm and Ełk. Yet we were met with another surprise: the level of dissatisfaction and frustration with the current political situation turned out to be very similar across all groups. Regardless of whether participants came from Wilanów in Warsaw or Ełk, they perceive politicians as an alienated caste, cut off from society. They believe politicians seek power solely for money and their own interests, which makes them unworthy of trust. Descriptions of politics as a ‘circus’ or a world of deceitful people were common across all groups,” Marcin Waszak stresses.
Warsaw residents frustrated by a “locked-in” political scene
The main sources of frustration among respondents from smaller towns included, among others, lack of access to healthcare and poorly functioning public services. In Warsaw’s Wilanów district, however, frustration more often stemmed from the perceived stagnation and entrenchment of the political scene.
“The poor quality of the public healthcare system was not a trigger point in Wilanów. Respondents in this group believe that everyone can simply purchase access to private medical care. We also did not record strong hostility toward refugees or complaints about housing problems. The main source of frustration among Warsaw respondents is the feeling that the political scene is blocked and that there is no chance for a fresh start. In Wilanów, sovereignty-related themes dominated – foreign policy and the need to better defend national interests on the international stage, for example Polish farmers’ interests in the context of the Mercosur agreement. While respondents there accused politicians of failing to care about Poland’s raison d’état, in Ełk and Chełm the criticism stemmed from politicians ignoring everyday problems that directly affect respondents’ lives,” says Marcin Waszak from CBOS.
A nostalgia for “real political leaders”
What do the findings of this extensive study mean for Poland’s political scene? Respondents explicitly articulated a need for a new political formation built on the ruins of the old order. Among the key traits expected of such a potential new party is closeness to ordinary people and consulting them on ideas and decisions. In the view of respondents, the model could be… Andrzej Lepper.
Explainer
Andrzej Lepper
Andrzej Lepper (1954–2011) was a Polish farmer-turned-politician who founded and led Samoobrona ("Self-Defense"), an agrarian populist party that became a major force in Polish politics in the late 1990s and 2000s.
He rose to prominence organizing farmer protests and road blockades in the mid-1990s against low agricultural prices and the economic dislocation of Poland's post-communist transition, channeling rural anger into a political movement that combined left-wing economic demands (protectionism, debt relief for farmers, skepticism of privatization) with nationalist and anti-EU rhetoric.
Samoobrona's breakthrough came in the 2001 parliamentary election, and Lepper went on to serve as deputy prime minister and agriculture minister in the PiS-led coalition government of 2006–2007, before the coalition collapsed amid scandals and early elections in which Samoobrona was wiped out, falling below the threshold for parliamentary representation.
He was found dead in his Warsaw office in August 2011, in a death ruled a suicide, at a time when he was facing corruption charges and his political career was effectively over. His death triggered conspiracy theories ('he knew too much').
Of course, respondents also expressed positive views about other political figures, but these were usually tied to specific, tangible achievements. Liroy was mentioned in the context of legalizing medical cannabis, while Lech Kaczyński was credited with initiating the construction of the Warsaw Rising Museum. Nonetheless, after Andrzej Lepper, there has been no politician who could speak so directly to those who feel systematically excluded.
“Andrzej Lepper is a figure who clearly stood out in our focus groups and evoked extremely positive associations among respondents. What is striking is that even the years of Law and Justice government – along with the introduction of the 500+ program and broad social support for lower-income groups – did not remain in respondents’ memory in such a positive light. We did not observe a deep sense of sentiment or gratitude toward that party for its social policies. Instead, respondents frequently and readily returned to the 2000s and the period of the Samoobrona leader’s greatest popularity,” notes Marcin Waszak.
Explainer
What is 500+/800+?
Poland’s most famous social program goes by two names because it changed. Originally launched in April 2016 as Rodzina 500+ (Family 500+), it is a state child benefit program that provides monthly payments for each child in the family.
From 1 January 2024, the benefit was raised from PLN 500 to PLN 800 per child per month – hence the new nickname 800+. Most Poles still use both names interchangeably.
It covers every child under 18, regardless of family income or birth order.
As he emphasizes, CBOS research clearly shows that in the eyes of respondents, no politician of comparable stature has emerged since Lepper’s death.
“Today, respondents view the political class as a homogeneous, alienated elite, interested solely in consuming the privileges of power and deaf to the problems and voices of society itself,” the co-author of the study concludes.
Key Takeaways
- The CBOS qualitative study shows that Poles perceive a vast and steadily widening gap between citizens and the political elite. Politicians are seen as a closed caste focused solely on their own financial interests. Ordinary citizens feel forgotten and reduced to the role of mere tools during election campaigns.
- The lack of trust in state institutions stems directly from the inefficiency of public services and the housing crisis. This problem is particularly visible in smaller towns, where citizens struggle with limited access to healthcare. The situation is further exacerbated by growing resentment toward Ukrainian refugees, who are accused of taking scarce social benefits away from Poles.
- The conclusions for the political class are pessimistic. Disillusionment with the current political situation spans both residents of smaller towns and wealthier districts of large cities. As co-author of the study Marcin Waszak notes, society expects the emergence of a completely new political formation focused on close contact with voters. For many respondents, Andrzej Lepper has become a model of such engagement as a politician capable of reaching those who feel systemically excluded.
